ADDRESS BY ANTANAS VALIONIS, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF LITHUANIA, COMMITTEE OF POLITICAL AFFAIRS OF THE PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLY OF NATO (Vilnius, 29 May 2001)
Created 2001-05-29
Distinguished guests,
Ladies and gentlemen,
At an international conference a while ago, I remember seeing a political scientist bearing a badge saying "Cold War Survivor". It was meant to be ironic, but I could sense a dose of nostalgia in it, for the bad but much simpler times, when the world was divided in black and white, where no conundrums of why, where and how far to enlarge existed. The cold war over, the North Atlantic Alliance could have become such a survivor. Luckily, the Alliance transformed itself, adjusting its mission and rationale to the realities of the present day international environment. It is due to this transformation that I have the pleasure to be addressing you here today, in a city that brought forth the famous Vilnius Nine initiative, thus giving an early impetus to the discussions on the further enlargement of the Alliance whose Parliamentary Assembly you all represent. I hope that despite a very heavy agenda, you can still find some time to enjoy the special atmosphere of my city. Let me start by saying that the next few years will be fundamental to all of us as the EU and NATO enlargements gather momentum. The two enlargements mark a watershed in the history of our Continent. After centuries of conflict, a new kind of Europe is finally emerging; a Europe whole and free, based on the community of values and shared principles, a truly undivided Europe. That, provided the enlargement process is really inclusive and open to all those willing and ready to join and thereby to contribute to extending the zone of stability, democracy, and prosperity.For this historic opportunity not to be squandered, further NATO enlargement must not be placed on the backburner of Euro-Atlantic integration. Nor can it be thought complete by adopting partial, least-effort solutions. The extent to which NATO will be able to respond inclusively to the enlargement urge of the applicant nations will largely determine its own validity and credibility in the longer term. A secure and stable Europe is inconceivable if a part of it is to remain in a continuous state of ambiguity, a perennial grey zone. At the end of the day, such solutions, however attractive in the immediate term, would compromise the very rationale of NATO's continued existence. To put it bluntly, the Baltic States need to be given a clear indication as to their future membership. We in Lithuania believe that the 2002 Prague Summit is the right place and time for the invitation to our country to be issued. The symbolism of invitations from Prague has been very aptly described by President Vaclav Havel in his recent discourse in Bratislava, and I can but second his thoughts on the issue. We are fully aware that NATO is not a social club. Costs and responsibilities are involved. But let me state very clearly: since re-establishing independence, Lithuania has been a supplier, and not a consumer, of security, politically and materially. What better proof of our contribution to overall security and stability than our good neighbourhood policy, pursued by Lithuania from the very first days as a re-established democracy? Close Baltic cooperation; the strategic partnership with Poland, ending a long history of rivalry and conflict; the prudent but successful balancing act with Belarus; our policy regarding the Kaliningrad Region; our relations with Russia, on various occasions described as excellent by top Russian authorities, the recent state visit by President Adamkus to Moscow being just another example of the intense and open dialogue between our two countries; finally the Vilnius Nine process, started here a year ago, whereby we, the applicants, have clearly demonstrated our resolve to act as allies and to be together with the current members of the Alliance….. All this speaks for Lithuania's determination to continue its role as a stabilising factor in the region. Furthermore, we have strongly and promptly supported all NATO decisions on the Balkans and other international issues. Through the MAP process we continuously adjust and modify various spheres of activities in keeping with NATO membership requirements. Lithuanian troops and civilian police have been on the ground in Bosnia-Herzegovina and then in Kosovo, since 1994. In 2002 Lithuania will have one high readiness battalion; which means that 700 soldiers will be ready to act for six months in any stabilising operation abroad. By 2006 we shall have a high readiness brigade in place, ready for Article 5 as well as for non-Article 5 operations. Lithuania has been steadily increasing its defence budget, which today is at 1.95 per cent and in the year 2002 will reach 2 per cent of the nation's GDP. Lithuania's economic situation leaves no room for doubt regarding the implementation of this commitment. This being said, it is important that both the candidate countries and the Alliance should operate on the basis of a clear set of principles, without turning membership criteria into a sort of moving target, adjustable on a case-by-case basis. To quote Zbigniew Brzezinski at the Bratislava conference two weeks ago, "for the sake of political confidence among aspirant countries, the process of admission should be made more objective, more predictable, and more credible, even if ultimately still guided by political and strategic considerations". Indeed, "it is time to end the uncertainty".And this brings me to the "special case" discussions. We'll be happy to hear you say that the atmosphere of Vilnius is special indeed, or that we boast a special historic and natural heritage; we admit that we have a special weakness for basketball, for that matter. But, frankly, we in Lithuania are sick and tired of being labelled a "special case" in terms of NATO enlargement. Are we a "special case" because we, too, adhere to the fundamental political principles such as the rule of law, respect for human rights and liberties, a democratic political system, political pluralism, civil society, and market economy? Are we "special" because we believe in the inherent necessity to contribute to collectively safeguarding these principles and thus seek to become part of the institution that has proven its validity and capacity in doing that? Or are we a "special case" because, just like the current members of the Alliance, we believe in the necessity of standing out together against the new unpredictable threats emerging in the modern world?Let us put things straight. The only special thing is the still lingering, I'd say, anachronistic fear that inviting the Baltic States to join the Alliance would mean trespassing the mythical red line. I see it differently: inviting the Baltic nations would mean restoring historic justice and the rightful place in European affairs to the three nations, whose destinies had been marred first by the infamous Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, then, by Soviet annexation and Yalta.And then, the Soviet Union is no longer there.Cold war is long over.And NATO is a different thing altogether, having successfully transformed its mission in keeping with the exigencies of the new international environment.It is this transformed, new NATO that Lithuania seeks to join, as we believe in exactly the same set of values and principles that keeps the Alliance together. And because being part of the Alliance would confirm the irreversibility of Lithuania's democratic choice and give added value to Lithuania's efforts to contribute to international stability and peace. NATO's enlargement to Lithuania and the other Baltic states cannot damage Russia's democratic development, as is often argued, simply because a democratic process cannot undermine another democratic process. For it is not the democratic Russia that vehemently opposes Baltic membership. And it was not the democratic Russia that opposed the accession of Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary… But the first enlargement took place, and the latter- day cassandras had to bite their tongues: nothing happened, except that the relations between the three new allies and Russia have gained a new and positive quality.The democratic Russia will gain from the further extension of the zone of democracy and stability to its borders. To quote the German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, "Russia's western border is also secure because NATO members contribute to the stability in its immediate vicinity. … And security and stability for the nations of Central, Eastern, and South Eastern Europe, which are to be promoted by opening up NATO, are also in Russia's interest." As an ally, Lithuania will be among the most outspoken supporters of a comprehensive and open dialogue between the Alliance and Russia. Because life does not stop with our accession to the Alliance, and Russia will continue being our largest and most important neighbour. Our recent bilateral actions, such as the Nida Initiative, the Northern Dimension initiatives, additional bilateral confidence building measures, our policy towards the Kaliningrad Region, speak for themselves. We cannot imagine the future of Europe and the entire Euro-Atlantic space being shaped without this great country, Russia. But it is up to Russia itself to decide to what extent it wants to be part of the integration processes. Nobody can isolate Russia, but for Russia itself. On our part, we, the candidates, have made our choice and have reiterated this choice, in one voice, at the recent meeting of the Prime Ministers of the nine applicant countries in Bratislava. In Lithuania, this choice was stated once again, firmly and clearly, last week, in a joint accord of eleven main political parties, reaffirming Lithuania's resolve to seek NATO membership and to actively participate in European common foreign and security policy. And in an appeal by twenty-three Lithuanian youth organizations, calling on NATO to invite Lithuania to join the Alliance in the year 2002.Now it is the moment for you to make your choices. And as you do so, we hope that Lithuania will not be punished a second time, simply because its transformation has been too successful and peaceful to glue world's worried attention. Thank you.
Ladies and gentlemen,
At an international conference a while ago, I remember seeing a political scientist bearing a badge saying "Cold War Survivor". It was meant to be ironic, but I could sense a dose of nostalgia in it, for the bad but much simpler times, when the world was divided in black and white, where no conundrums of why, where and how far to enlarge existed. The cold war over, the North Atlantic Alliance could have become such a survivor. Luckily, the Alliance transformed itself, adjusting its mission and rationale to the realities of the present day international environment. It is due to this transformation that I have the pleasure to be addressing you here today, in a city that brought forth the famous Vilnius Nine initiative, thus giving an early impetus to the discussions on the further enlargement of the Alliance whose Parliamentary Assembly you all represent. I hope that despite a very heavy agenda, you can still find some time to enjoy the special atmosphere of my city. Let me start by saying that the next few years will be fundamental to all of us as the EU and NATO enlargements gather momentum. The two enlargements mark a watershed in the history of our Continent. After centuries of conflict, a new kind of Europe is finally emerging; a Europe whole and free, based on the community of values and shared principles, a truly undivided Europe. That, provided the enlargement process is really inclusive and open to all those willing and ready to join and thereby to contribute to extending the zone of stability, democracy, and prosperity.For this historic opportunity not to be squandered, further NATO enlargement must not be placed on the backburner of Euro-Atlantic integration. Nor can it be thought complete by adopting partial, least-effort solutions. The extent to which NATO will be able to respond inclusively to the enlargement urge of the applicant nations will largely determine its own validity and credibility in the longer term. A secure and stable Europe is inconceivable if a part of it is to remain in a continuous state of ambiguity, a perennial grey zone. At the end of the day, such solutions, however attractive in the immediate term, would compromise the very rationale of NATO's continued existence. To put it bluntly, the Baltic States need to be given a clear indication as to their future membership. We in Lithuania believe that the 2002 Prague Summit is the right place and time for the invitation to our country to be issued. The symbolism of invitations from Prague has been very aptly described by President Vaclav Havel in his recent discourse in Bratislava, and I can but second his thoughts on the issue. We are fully aware that NATO is not a social club. Costs and responsibilities are involved. But let me state very clearly: since re-establishing independence, Lithuania has been a supplier, and not a consumer, of security, politically and materially. What better proof of our contribution to overall security and stability than our good neighbourhood policy, pursued by Lithuania from the very first days as a re-established democracy? Close Baltic cooperation; the strategic partnership with Poland, ending a long history of rivalry and conflict; the prudent but successful balancing act with Belarus; our policy regarding the Kaliningrad Region; our relations with Russia, on various occasions described as excellent by top Russian authorities, the recent state visit by President Adamkus to Moscow being just another example of the intense and open dialogue between our two countries; finally the Vilnius Nine process, started here a year ago, whereby we, the applicants, have clearly demonstrated our resolve to act as allies and to be together with the current members of the Alliance….. All this speaks for Lithuania's determination to continue its role as a stabilising factor in the region. Furthermore, we have strongly and promptly supported all NATO decisions on the Balkans and other international issues. Through the MAP process we continuously adjust and modify various spheres of activities in keeping with NATO membership requirements. Lithuanian troops and civilian police have been on the ground in Bosnia-Herzegovina and then in Kosovo, since 1994. In 2002 Lithuania will have one high readiness battalion; which means that 700 soldiers will be ready to act for six months in any stabilising operation abroad. By 2006 we shall have a high readiness brigade in place, ready for Article 5 as well as for non-Article 5 operations. Lithuania has been steadily increasing its defence budget, which today is at 1.95 per cent and in the year 2002 will reach 2 per cent of the nation's GDP. Lithuania's economic situation leaves no room for doubt regarding the implementation of this commitment. This being said, it is important that both the candidate countries and the Alliance should operate on the basis of a clear set of principles, without turning membership criteria into a sort of moving target, adjustable on a case-by-case basis. To quote Zbigniew Brzezinski at the Bratislava conference two weeks ago, "for the sake of political confidence among aspirant countries, the process of admission should be made more objective, more predictable, and more credible, even if ultimately still guided by political and strategic considerations". Indeed, "it is time to end the uncertainty".And this brings me to the "special case" discussions. We'll be happy to hear you say that the atmosphere of Vilnius is special indeed, or that we boast a special historic and natural heritage; we admit that we have a special weakness for basketball, for that matter. But, frankly, we in Lithuania are sick and tired of being labelled a "special case" in terms of NATO enlargement. Are we a "special case" because we, too, adhere to the fundamental political principles such as the rule of law, respect for human rights and liberties, a democratic political system, political pluralism, civil society, and market economy? Are we "special" because we believe in the inherent necessity to contribute to collectively safeguarding these principles and thus seek to become part of the institution that has proven its validity and capacity in doing that? Or are we a "special case" because, just like the current members of the Alliance, we believe in the necessity of standing out together against the new unpredictable threats emerging in the modern world?Let us put things straight. The only special thing is the still lingering, I'd say, anachronistic fear that inviting the Baltic States to join the Alliance would mean trespassing the mythical red line. I see it differently: inviting the Baltic nations would mean restoring historic justice and the rightful place in European affairs to the three nations, whose destinies had been marred first by the infamous Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, then, by Soviet annexation and Yalta.And then, the Soviet Union is no longer there.Cold war is long over.And NATO is a different thing altogether, having successfully transformed its mission in keeping with the exigencies of the new international environment.It is this transformed, new NATO that Lithuania seeks to join, as we believe in exactly the same set of values and principles that keeps the Alliance together. And because being part of the Alliance would confirm the irreversibility of Lithuania's democratic choice and give added value to Lithuania's efforts to contribute to international stability and peace. NATO's enlargement to Lithuania and the other Baltic states cannot damage Russia's democratic development, as is often argued, simply because a democratic process cannot undermine another democratic process. For it is not the democratic Russia that vehemently opposes Baltic membership. And it was not the democratic Russia that opposed the accession of Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary… But the first enlargement took place, and the latter- day cassandras had to bite their tongues: nothing happened, except that the relations between the three new allies and Russia have gained a new and positive quality.The democratic Russia will gain from the further extension of the zone of democracy and stability to its borders. To quote the German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder, "Russia's western border is also secure because NATO members contribute to the stability in its immediate vicinity. … And security and stability for the nations of Central, Eastern, and South Eastern Europe, which are to be promoted by opening up NATO, are also in Russia's interest." As an ally, Lithuania will be among the most outspoken supporters of a comprehensive and open dialogue between the Alliance and Russia. Because life does not stop with our accession to the Alliance, and Russia will continue being our largest and most important neighbour. Our recent bilateral actions, such as the Nida Initiative, the Northern Dimension initiatives, additional bilateral confidence building measures, our policy towards the Kaliningrad Region, speak for themselves. We cannot imagine the future of Europe and the entire Euro-Atlantic space being shaped without this great country, Russia. But it is up to Russia itself to decide to what extent it wants to be part of the integration processes. Nobody can isolate Russia, but for Russia itself. On our part, we, the candidates, have made our choice and have reiterated this choice, in one voice, at the recent meeting of the Prime Ministers of the nine applicant countries in Bratislava. In Lithuania, this choice was stated once again, firmly and clearly, last week, in a joint accord of eleven main political parties, reaffirming Lithuania's resolve to seek NATO membership and to actively participate in European common foreign and security policy. And in an appeal by twenty-three Lithuanian youth organizations, calling on NATO to invite Lithuania to join the Alliance in the year 2002.Now it is the moment for you to make your choices. And as you do so, we hope that Lithuania will not be punished a second time, simply because its transformation has been too successful and peaceful to glue world's worried attention. Thank you.
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